Home Blog Page 2

Children Fall Victim to Iran’s Middle Age Law


In the first half of this year, 791 babies were born in Iran to mothers who are themselves children and are under the age of 14, indicating that the violation of the rights of children, one of whom is a child marriage is continuing in Iran under the extreme reactionary rules of the mullahs, due to economic poverty or cultural poverty, children are losing their normal childhood and are in physical and mental dangers.

“Mr. Raisi! Stop the motherhood of children”, is the title of a recent article published by Iran’s state-run daily Etelaat about girl children who have become mothers at a very young age.

According to the National Organization for Civil Registration of Iran, the age of mothers who gave birth to these babies in the first half of this year was between 10 and 14 years old. In other words, it is sad to say that Iran has girls who have had children at the age of 10, which they should have been studying and proceeding with a normal life.

This is not the whole story. The report of the Civil Registration Organization adds that in the same period (i.e., from March 20, 2020, to October 7, 2021), 36,562 children were born to mothers aged 15 to 19, of which 18,922 were boys and 17,640 were girls.

Hearing shocking news from Iran has become an ordinary thing and people who are following the situation should be aware not to get used to it. But some news is so devastating that if someone does not take any position on it, it will definitely hurt our dignity.

No common sense or awakening conscience would accept such oppression of children. Naturally, the government, as the large and powerful institution of any country, must enter this crime that is influenced by any social, economic, or cultural issue on children and prevent its continuation by adopting diverse policies and methods, but Iran that is captured by the mullahs is an exception who have no respect to any kind of human rights, let alone the rights of children.

The main culprit of such a situation is the regime’s ridiculous and inhuman laws, observers say. Article 1041 of the Civil Code states that ‘the marriage of a girl under the age of 13 and a boy under 15 is subject to the recognition of the interests of the couples, the permission of their guardians, and the recognition of the court’, according to which, first, the marriage of girls from the age of 13 is immediately free, and secondly, at the age of less than 13, she is also free under the conditions that can be obtained.

The bill to amend this article and change the age of marriage for girls from 13 to 16 has been submitted by the government for nearly seven years but is still under consideration and has reached no point. Just as the child protection bill has reached nothing. Not surprising under the rules of the mullahs.

The shameful argument of the opponents to this bill is that, if in some urban areas the age of marriage for girls is over 25 and even 30 years, allowing children to marry can lower the age of marriage.

According to last year’s statistics, in Iran, more than 9,000 children aged 13 and under are married, and according to the statistics, divorce rates in these marriages are higher than divorces in all age groups, and according to a regime’s official, the country is now facing with the phenomenon of widowed children.

The violation of children’s rights besides the destruction of women’s and girls’ rights has different forms in Iran. Another example of this violation is the murder of children by the father, who has a very light punishment because his father is the guardian, and this, unfortunately, has fueled these crimes.

After the murder of 14-year-old Taleshi girl Romina Ashrafi, who was killed by her father on May 21, 2020, the head of the judiciary at the time (the regime’s current president) announced that the punishment for fathers who murdered their children would be intensified to such an extent that it would be deterred.

Although the regime can impose such punishments, this has not happened so far, informing that all the regime’s promises are worthless.

The ‘obligatory education’ for children is another child’s right that is not respected. There are numerous statistics of children dropout education, the lowest of which is about 200,000 according to the regime’s numbers. A look at the crossroads of major cities and working children shows that a considerable number of children are out of school.

Iran’s Government Unable To Compensate Investment Backwardness Even in Two Decades


What has been reported by the Iranian government’s statistical institutions speaks about the government’s failure to attract foreign countries and economic entities to invest in Iran. An opportunity that is now not imaginable anymore due to the regime’s insistence on its nuclear and terror activities.

The decrease of real investment, and the decrease of countries that desire to invest in Iran, and the increase of the macroeconomic variables such as the monetary base, liquidity, and most important the inflation are adding to this crisis.

According to the report of Iran’s Deputy of Economic Studies of the Chamber of Commerce in the 2000s, the average annual growth of investment was -4.7 percent, and the amount of a real investment was just 171 trillion tomans. This number in 2011 this the amount of investment reached 100 trillion which decreased to 98 trillion tomans in 2019.

To understand the loss for the Iranian government, it is enough to know that the total operating deficit of the 2020 budget released by the Supreme Audit Court on Tuesday was 183.3 trillion tomans, while the country’s total real investment that year accounted for only 54 percent of the operating deficit.

The continuation of this trend can be more destructive in the coming years. To compensate its shortcomings, the most important of which is the construction of power plants for electricity supply, the government needs a huge amount of investment which it doesn’t seem able to fund at least until the 5-year horizon.

Because of the regime’s nuclear crisis and the return of the regime’s oil sanctions, which have damaged the country’s uniaxial economy, the situation of the country’s investments become critical so that in addition to the decrease of the investment, the annual investment growth fall to -6.8 percent and the capital formation become negative.

Therefore, government economists call this decade the worst in Iran’s economic history, and many of them speak about an ‘unreversible crisis’ because nothing is predictable and is indeterminate and the situation has reached a state of uncertainty.

This situation has now led to the increase of the prices in the asset market and the lack of investments even by the country’s people. The people instead of investing, attended in parallel markets like currency and gold to avoid a sharp devaluation of their currency.

In addition to this crisis and parallel to it welfare fall rapidly in the society and the Gini coefficient exceeds 0.4 in 2018-2020 which is a sign of the increase of the class gap in the society.

The government respectively was forced to borrow huge amounts from the national bank to cover their budget deficit, which hurts the future generation of the country, losing their resources to invest in the development.

According to central bank reports, by March 2020, liquidity reached 3476 trillion tomans, an increase of 40.6 percent compared to March 2019 and an 84 percent increase compared to March 2018.

Liquidity was reported at the end of 2019 and 2018 at 2472 trillion tomans and 1882 trillion tomans, respectively.

To understand the magnitude of the numbers of economic variables in the 2000s, it is enough to know that the base volume of money in 2019 was about 352 trillion tomans.

According to the Tehran Chamber of Commerce’s deputy for review, assuming an annual growth of 5 percent of investments from this year in 2034, the country’s real investment will reach the figure of what it was in 2011, 170 trillion tomans.

And that is only if the regime becomes successful in the nuclear negotiations and be able to remove all the obstacles and sanctions which many of which are not related to its nuclear case, then it must witness a 10 percent increase of investment annually.

Meanwhile, other economic variables like monetary base, liquidity, and inflation will continue their path and these variables will not change positively and will challenge a real investment in the country’s economy.

Also lurking in Iran’s economy is the depreciation of capital. From the beginning of 2011 until 2017 the real investment was much higher than the depreciation of capital and the investments were able to cover the depreciation of capital. However, since 2018 this decreased suddenly and became equal to the depreciation of capital.

It should be noted that the depreciation rate with steep stability was increasing every year, but the amount of investment declined with a steep slope. So that in 2019 and 2020, real investment in the country did not compensate for depreciation costs.

As noted, the presence of a real private sector in the economic activities is important which does not exist in Iran, the only thing that does exist are the so-called private-government driven companies which the regime calls ‘Khosulati’ and are mainly in the hands of the regime’s IRGC. Important because without their presence the regime is forced to print more money which is increasing the inflation as we are witnessing now.

Simply said, this is something which is making the life of the coming generation difficult and hopeless.

Eradication of Poverty in Iran Has Become Impossible


In recent years, the growing inflation in the country has led to the spread of poverty in Iran, so that the head of the Higher Institute for Social Security Research has stated that at least 30 percent of the population is below the poverty line in Iran. Of course, some estimates put the number of people below the poverty line in Iran more than this figure.

The spread of poverty in Iran has resulted that a large segment of the middle class falls below the poverty line, especially in the past three years.

Although in recent years, different statistics of the number of Iranians below the poverty line have been presented, and the regime’s government is trying to hide that real numbers, but all statistics agree on the principle that in the past four years, the number of Iranians below the absolute poverty line has increased year after year and more middle-class households have joined the lower strata.

For example, the Donya-e-Eghtesad newspaper recently citing the results of a credible international study, said that since the beginning of the 2000s, the number of Iran’s poor has doubled, with four million more falling below the international poverty line, earning $5.50 a day. Also, about 8 million people have gone from the ‘middle class’ to the ‘downward middle class’.

Or this June, Roozbeh Kordoni, head of the Supreme Research Institute of Social Security, announced that while the population below Iran’s absolute poverty line had reached 15 percent from 2013 to 2017, the number of people below the country’s absolute poverty line increased to 30 percent and by the end of 2019, practically 25 percent of Iran’s population was below the absolute poverty line.

So far, no comprehensive and consistent reports on the absolute poverty line have been presented about different cities and provinces of the country, which is considered for the regime as a secret and security issue.

Despite the lack of accurate statistics on the number of people below the absolute poverty line in Iran, the number of these people has definitely increased in the past three years, since the cumulative inflation in the three years of 2018, 2019, and 2020 was 115 percent, and of course, the average inflation rate in the 2000s was 24 percent.

In Iran’s economy, the middle and low-income segments of society are much more affected by inflation than the wealthy. Due to the disruption of wealth redistribution systems i.e., banking system, tax system, and subsidy system, the damage caused by inflation is directly imposed on the middle- and low-income classes, because this disruption in the country’s wealth redistribution systems is created deliberately by the regime’s officials in the favor of its elements.

With cumulative inflation of 115% in the past three years and due to the disruption of Iran’s economic system, certainly since 2018, the number of households below the absolute poverty line has been growing significantly compared to before, as a large part of the middle classes have joined the low-income segments of society during this period.

In the constitution of this regime, governments are also obliged to provide minimum livelihoods, including housing and jobs suitable for the people of the society, something that has not happened over the past decades, and the people’s protests for a basic life has been responded to always with repression, detention, and torture.

Unless the economic structures in Iran have been reformed, there is no hope for the eradication of poverty in Iran, because the three key systems of Iran’s economy, the banking system, the tax system, and the subsidy system, are all in the service of the wealthy ruling people.

Hidden subsidies, including fuel subsidies, energy carriers, and other subsidies in the manufacturing sector, all benefit the wealthy with manufacturing enterprises. Also, a large portion of importers of goods to Iran also have preferential currency rents or rents monopolizing in different markets, and this shows that Iran’s subsidy system is entirely regulated for the benefit of the wealthy.

The country’s banking system also fully serves the rich, because when the interest rate of banking system facilities is about 18 percent and inflation is about 40 percent, so it can be said that the real interest rate in Iran is -22 percent. This means that anyone who can get facilities in Iran makes 22 percent profit per year. However, in Iran, mainly the wealthy, i.e., those who have access to large collateral and have extensive rents, can receive large collateral.

In Iran, taxes such as wealth taxes, capital gains taxes, and taxes on luxury goods are not defined. Meanwhile, a large part of Iran country’s wealthy people is basically not paying any taxes, so that this group both deals with tax evasion and receives tax exemptions using written and unwritten laws and corrupt relations.

When the three key systems of Iran’s economy, tax, banking, and subsidy systems, serve the wealthy, so in such circumstances, the eradication of poverty is more like a joke, and until these wealth redistribution systems are reformed, there is no hope of reducing poverty in Iran.

In Iran’s inflationary economy, because wealth redistribution systems do not work properly, inflation is imposed on the middle and poor deciles of the society. This has led to a day-to-day decrease in Iran’s middle class in the past few years, and if this trend continues, we will soon see the elimination of the middle class, which means that Iran’s economy will become a bipolar economy in which 10 percent of the population will be wealthy and 90 percent of the country’s population will be poor.

Iranian Regime Unprepared and Unable To Deal With Aftermath of Major Earthquakes in Iran


As the world acknowledged the International Day for Natural Disaster Reduction on October 13, while other countries have been making efforts to try and control natural disasters and reduce the numbers of casualties, the people of Iran have fallen victim to a natural disaster of their own in Khuzestan province, with the regime failing to help those affected.

A 5.7 magnitude earthquake hit the Andika county in eastern Khuzestan on October 9. According to the Vatan-e Emrooz daily, of the 600 villages in Andika, 330 have suffered heavy damage while another 30 have been almost destroyed. Houses are destroyed, roads are blocked, and getting relief aid to the citizens of the region is proving difficult.

Iran has 6% of the world’s natural disaster casualties, while it has only 1% of the world’s population. According to the official IRNA News Agency, the economic damage caused by natural disasters in Iran averages $5 billion annually.

As Iran sits on two major tectonic plates, the Eurasian Plate and the Arabian plate, and several active faults run through the country, Iran is prone to frequent seismic activity.

In 2017, Kermanshah province was hit by a powerful 7.3 magnitude earthquake which killed over 600 people, and left 70,000 people homeless, with many having to live in tents for almost two years. Then-president Hassan Rouhani later falsely claimed that ‘almost everybody’ had managed to rebuild their homes and returned to them, which was far from the truth.

The former director of the Earthquake Research Department within the regime’s Ministry of Roads, Housing and Urban Development, Ali Beiollahi, said in 2017, “If an earthquake as powerful as the one in Kermanshah province happens in Tehran, 200,000 buildings will be totally destroyed and collapse. The collapse of this many buildings will definitely leave one million casualties, a real disaster indeed.”

A year after the Kermanshah earthquake, the IRNA News Agency reported that many citizens still lacked basic shelter after the destruction of their homes, and those that had tents had to contend with flooding from the rain and streets covered in mud. Many people resorted to using plastic sheets to keep themselves clean and dry.

Another 5.9 magnitudes rocked East Azerbaijan province in northwest Iran. Five people were killed, and at least 520 people were injured. Again, the regime delayed helping locals, and many people have not recovered from this earthquake even after two years.

The President-elect of the NCRI, Maryam Rajavi urged people to help the victims of a 5.7 magnitude earthquake that hit West Azerbaijan. Over 100 villages were damaged as a result and the regime was reportedly covering up the damages sustained.

She said, “I request help for those affected, especially in Khoy and Salmas, and urge vigilance by fellow compatriots in the province about subsequent aftershocks.”

In the case of earthquake fatalities, the cause is usually the collapse of buildings that have been extensively damaged. By adhering to modern building codes, and taking example from other countries, like Japan, which often has high-magnitude earthquakes but minimal amounts of major damage or loss of life of its citizens, Iran would be able to have better control of minimizing future impacts.

The regime could have helped people if it had an effective provincial emergency response system. And finally, countries vulnerable to major earthquakes, like Iran, must invest in research to enhance their knowledge of the hazard, the potential impacts, and seismic safety.

Iran’s Official to People: Our Properties Are Not Your Business


Corruption in Iran is institutional. One of the main aspects of this issue is the transparency over the sale and ownership of the properties of the regime’s officials which is now for a long time a debate in this regime. This issue was raised in the regime’s Expediency Council, then it was passed over to the tenth parliament and now to the eleventh.

In the tenth parliament, many of the regime’s principlists called for the transparency of the properties of the officials, but suddenly in the eleventh parliament they have changed their minds, and they are now insisting on the secrecy of the officials’ properties, and they are now taking a step further and calling this issue a security issue in the country’s interests.

Following the approval of the Expediency Council years ago, it was noted that the judiciary should consider a system to register the properties of the regime’s officials. The regime decided to implement such a system in the hope of gaining the people’s lost trust, which was the result of four decades of corruption, plunder, and repression.

Nonetheless, the properties of the regime’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei and the financial empire affiliated with his office were not included.

The system was called, “Executive Regulations of the Law on Investigation of Assets of Officials and Agents of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” and it was approved by the regime’s judiciary in 2019. Until now, this system has not had any outcome. And there is no information about how many of the officials or institutions have registered their properties in this system.

This is while this system has emphasized that officials and institutions who do not cooperate will be charged. Meanwhile, this system speaks about the properties of authorities and has listed 23 titles that include up to the rank of macro-directors in governmental and non-governmental institutions, as well as up to the rank of Brigadier General and heads of police stations and the armed forces.

It also includes a group of members of the Assembly of Experts on Leadership and members of the Expediency Council.

However, like many other worthless rulings related to the regime’s officials and ruling body, there is no real and serious observation about the execution of this law, and it has just an artificial face.

So far, not a single report or news has been published about an official who has been punished for not entering his property information into the system.

The ironic part which is allowing the regime’s officials to circumvent this law is, that this law has pointed that the registration of the officials’ properties must be done by observing security mechanisms, maintaining privacy as well as the accuracy and integrity of the data.

It seems that the officials’ refusal to include information is also because of the alibi of observing confidentiality and the security debate, which will put damage on the regime.

What makes all the commotion around this subject even more worthless is that in 2015 the members of the Expediency Council emphasized that the information of the officials’ properties should not only become public but everyone who made this information public inadvertently or deliberately will be punished and charged.

At the same time, the judiciary spokesperson responded to the question of whether the authorities’ assets were to be communicated transparently to the public or whether they were merely supposed to be in the hands of the judiciary and confidentially. He said: ‘According to the law, the list of officials’ properties is confidential.’

It is obvious that the regime’s fear of being transparent about its officials and their properties is due to its fear of the people’s reaction to their four decades of corruption and plundering the country’s wealth and accumulating it in foreign banks. Therefore, such a thing will never happen in this regime, and its announcement is just to silence the restive people.

Protests in Iran and Abroad for Raisi To Be Held Accountable for His Crimes


Ahead of the COP26 United Nations Climate Change Conference next month, the spokesperson for the Iranian regime’s Foreign Ministry announced on Monday that the regime’s president, Ebrahim Raisi will not be attending the event in Glasgow, Scotland.

The spokesperson claimed that there were never any plans for Raisi to attend in the first place, despite previous reports that he would be attending.

Once it became evident that Raisi would likely attend the COP26, the Iranian regime’s victims and a former MEP, Struan Stevenson, made a formal request for Raisi’s arrests. This formal request was made due to Raisi’s dark history of human rights violations.

Raisi was heavily involved in the 1988 massacre in Iran, during which over 30,000 political prisoners were executed for being allied with the Iranian Resistance.

Speaking of the request for Raisi’s arrest, the Times newspaper reported that human rights campaigners, victims, and families of the victims of the regime’s crimes against humanity have called on Police Scotland to launch an investigation of Raisi under the powers of universal jurisdiction for his human rights abuses.

There have been amplifying calls for holding Raisi accountable for his role in the 1988 massacre, as well as the crimes he committed as the regime’s Judiciary Chief from 2019 to 2021, mainly during the major Iran protests.

Ongoing protests continue to take place across the world to call for the regime to be held accountable for its crimes. On October 9, the day before the 19th World Day Against the Death Penalty, a series of protest rallies were held in 21 cities across the United States, Canada, and 12 different European countries. In attendance were Iranian expats and supporters of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), who all condemned the regime’s human rights violations and the increasing number of executions in Iran and called on the international community to hold Raisi and other regime officials accountable for their crimes against humanity.

The public hatred toward the regime of mass murderers is growing daily. While Raisi could hardly travel to a country where he would not be under scrutiny for his crimes against human rights, Iranians reject him wherever he goes.

Last Friday, Raisi made a visit to the Bushehr province in Iran in order to help find solutions to the problems faced in the region, however, despite reports from state media that he was warmly welcomed upon his arrival, instead he was met with protests and angry citizens.

Locals marched toward the airport, chanting ‘Justice is a lie’, as they projected their frustrations at the hollow promises that regime officials have been giving them.

Another trip Raisi made, this time to the province of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad also resulted in protests upon his arrival. Locals blocked Raisi’s path as his car reached the Tang-e Sorkh region of Boyer Ahmad. According to the official IRNA News Agency, the locals were outraged and chanting angry slogans.

These protests show how Iranian people hate the regime. It also shows that Khamenei has failed in its ultimate goal of suppressing any voice of dissent by appointing Raisi as president and handpicking a cabinet of thieves and terrorists.

The JCPOA Has Become a ‘Stinking Corpse’ for Iran’s Rulers


Hossein Shariatmadari managing editor of Iran’s Kayhan daily, the main mouthpiece of the regime’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei, in an article about the regime’s nuclear negotiations and mainly the JCPOA frustratedly said:

“With the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, known commonly as the Iran nuclear deal) and Europe’s failure to live up to its commitments, the JCPOA does not exist and has become a stinking corpse, and if we want to go back to it in such a situation, we won’t get anything.” (Kayhan, October 11, 2021)

At the same time, some of the regime’s media and elements try to cover up the regime’s weakness and pumping up vitality to the regime’s disappointed forces by speaking about storing low enriched uranium to the excess allowed by the JCPOA, and producing 20 percent uranium, to have a strong lever for bargaining in the negotiations.

Mohammad Esmi, head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Ebrahim Raisi’s government, also claimed: “We need to accelerate the advancement of nuclear energy and manifest its effects on people’s lives and show the manifestations of national authority influenced by nuclear energy.” (State TV Channel One, October 9, 2021)

These speeches are expressed while the regime’s new government is begging for the continuation of the negotiations.

“We said the other parties that our intentions were serious and that we were a man of negotiation and a man of action, and that the new Iranian government is pragmatic and from negotiations which its outcome would be a cup of coffee, our people would not benefit. If Mr. Biden is serious, release $10bn of our money.” (State-TV Channel One, October 3, 2021)

This internal crisis which is showing the regime’s poor situation is reflected very clearly by the state-run website Khabar Fori quoting a regime’s journalist:

“Since the signing of the JCPOA, several principlists have insisted that the agreement is against the interests of the Islamic Republic in every way, and in return, Rouhani’s administration executives and reformist supporters have emphasized that it serves the interests of the system in every way.

“At all, I say that the right is entire to the side of the principlists! The JCPOA is not only bad in every way, but it’s basically a hell of a poison! It is an expensive pain! Is a pure damn thing!

“So now these principlists should answer, why didn’t they rid themselves of this poison when Donald Trump signed the order to withdraw the United States from the JCPOA?

“Maybe they say that the government of Hassan Rouhani and his foreign minister did not allow, all right! But now that there is neither a sign of Rouhani’s government nor from his foreign minister, why don’t they take this agreement off their agenda once and for all explicitly?

“As bad as the JCPOA is it has only two solutions! Formally canceling it to say goodbye to negotiations and to continue the nuclear program as much as possible or to cancel it to renegotiate negotiations to reach a new agreement that is desirable in all respects.

“All right, they have full and undisputed authority.” (State-run website Khahar Fori, October 11, 2021)

Truly, what is the necessity of the Raisi government to negotiate a JCPOA that does not have any benefits and which Khamenei’s mouthpiece has said has become a stinking corpse?

The answer should be considered in the regime’s impasse on the one hand, and on the other hand, the reduction in the importance of the JCPOA compared to 2015 for the United States and other Western countries negotiating the JCPOA.

After the formation of the new U.S. administration, it was expected that the U.S. government would quickly return to the JCPOA, and even the regime’s government had a vague expectation that the U.S. government would accept the 2015 JCPOA without raising new demands, something that didn’t happen, and the new U.S. administration pursuing another JCPOA in which the regime must take from a new poison chalice in addition to nuclear weapons on its missile program and regional policy.

The impasse means that the mullahs’ rule, on the one hand, cannot completely ignore the JCPOA and declare its withdrawal from it, because it has dangerous consequences, and the prospect of the regime’s case going to the UN Security Council and subsequent heavy consequences, and on the other hand, accepting the conditions of the Western parties negotiating, especially the United States, to revive the 2015 JCPOA means withdrawing, that according to Khamenei would be tantamount to an ‘endless degradation’.

Raisi Will Not Be Travelling to Scotland for the UN Climate Change Conference


In an official request, a former Scottish MP, along with the families of five political prisoners executed in Iran, called on the country’s police to detain the Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi if travels to Glasgow to attend a climate change summit.

The Times of London newspaper reported Friday (October 8) that the petition was signed by former Scottish MP Struan Stevenson, as well as a number of human rights activists, victims of torture, or relatives of those executed in Iran, and handed over to Police Scotland, to arrest Ebrahim Raisi if he travels to Glasgow.

Following this event, the spokesperson for the Iranian foreign ministry announced on Monday that despite claims in previous reports, the Iranian regime president Ebrahim Raisi will not be attending the United Nations’ upcoming climate change conference in Scotland.

The 26th United Nations Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26) is due to be held between November 1 and November 12 in Glasgow, Scotland, but in a regime press conference, the spokesman for the Iranian foreign ministry, Saeed Khatibzadeh announced that Raisi will not be in attendance and said that there were never any plans for him to travel to Scotland.

Ironically, in June, the regime’s own media had widely publicized that Raisi had been invited to take part in the conference, giving the impression that he would be taking part.

As Iran is not a member of the Paris Climate Accord, there was never any need for Raisi to attend the conference, but it would have been an opportunity for him to build up his profile as the regime’s latest president by posing for photos and meeting with some of the world’s top leaders.

The truth that Khatibzadeh did not acknowledge in his remarks is the efforts spearheaded by the Iranian resistance to hold Raisi to account for his crimes against humanity.

Due to Raisi’s history of brutal human rights violations, exiled Iranians have held protests around the world in recent weeks. In the summer of 1988, Raisi was one of the main officials involved in the mass execution of over 30,000 political prisoners, serving as a judge on the ‘death commission’ tasked with processing prisoners through minute-long trials and sending them to the gallows if they refuse to denounce their affiliation with the MEK.

In an Iranian Resistance conference held this summer, several legal experts and academics argued that the 1988 massacre should be classed as an act of genocide, and its perpetrators should be tried accordingly in international criminal courts.

Human rights organizations and UN rapporteurs have called for an impartial investigation into the 1988 massacre, and former political prisoners and families of the victims of the 1988 massacre have testified in court about the role of Raisi and other regime officials in the brutal torture and execution of dissidents in Iran’s prisons.

Perhaps the decision for Raisi not to travel to Glasgow is in his best interests as there has been a formal complaint that was filed to Scottish authorities calling for his arrest if he ever sets foot in Scotland. The plaintiffs behind the complaint include the former Scottish MEP Struan Stevenson, and human rights activist Tahar Boumedra, as well as many witnesses of the 1988 massacre and the families of the victims.

All of this has put a heavy burden on the newly sworn president of the regime, who now finds himself entangled by his own crimes. In September, Raisi canceled his trip to New York for the annual UN General Assembly.

No official explanation was given by the regime for the cancellation of the trip, and instead, Raisi sent a pre-recorded message. Iranian state-run media speculated that the regime feared that Iranian expats might have put Raisi’s safety in jeopardy.

Raisi’s appointment has come at a heavy price for the regime, and his bloody past—which symbolizes four decades of the mullahs’ rule—follows him wherever he goes.

Iran’s Super Crises: ‘Cruel Realities’ Leave Raisi Without Options


These days many Iranian officials admit to the country’s many problems and emphasize that the government does not have the ability to solve them.

Problems that according to many of its experts are converted to ‘super crises,’ and while the rule is itself responsible for them, it neither can nor will solve them while profiting from many of them.

The regime’s new president Ebrahim Raisi, despite his many claims, has been taken hostage by these problems, end even his provincial trips to calm down the country’s situation and the frustration of the people will not solve any of them.

The situation is so bad, that in every trip the regime’s president is facing the frustration and angry shouts of the people and is just increasing the people’s anger.

These trips are so repulsive that even clerics like Reza Taghavi, an MP, attacked Raisi and said:

“I suggest Raisi decrease the provincial trips, the conditions of the country are not the conditions of promise, of course, we might say that promises will create hope, but if we face with problems because we were not able to fulfill these promises, people’s opinions will change.” (State-run daily Aftab, October 9, 2021)

This daily while quoting the Kayhan daily, the supreme leader’s mouthpiece, wrote that Raisi should not give promises which “are not consonant with the country’s situation.”

Hossein Ansari, a former MP, said that Raisi’s government is unable to change the country’s situation and added: “The conditions of the country are not such that young and inexperienced people can manage crises. The conditions of the country are such that even people with sufficient knowledge cannot easily solve problems.

“The policies adopted so far are the same policies that the principlists have pursued over the past forty years. Those in different positions of the country today are in favor of the same policies that have passed their exams for the past 40 years and have been responsible for the current situation in society. The result of these policies is that today the Iranian people are facing many crises and super crises.” (State-run daily Arman, October 4, 2021)

Finally, the Arman daily fired the coup de grace in an article entitled, ‘The problems are worse than that’ and added: “The facts are far more brutal than that and show that no, with this brief change that the statesmen have made so far, the problem will not be solved.

“If you look at the trend of inflation, it has continued. What has been so far, has not changed so positively. If Raisi can really take a serious step in foreign policy and in resolving the sanctions issue, it will certainly have very positive effects. Of course, again, we say it won’t be a miracle.”

About the country’s social, cultural, and political crises which are even worse than the economic crises this daily begged the government to, “create political, cultural and social openings at the desired level,” but hopeless continued, “and if they don’t create new obstacles, we should be thankful to God.”

Dissidents say the mission of Raisi’s government is not a ‘political, cultural and social opening’, but that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has brought him to the fore to contract further the country, with the mission of blocking Iran’s political, cultural, and social environment.

Therefore, even if, it is intended that a government will end the unsolvable internal and international super crises, it should end its contractionary and plundering policies at home and aggressive and expansionist policies outside its borders. Something that is impossible for this regime as the past 42 years suggests.

Iranian FM Visit to Lebanon Further Supports Escalation of Terrorism Under Raisi Administration


Remarks made by the Iranian regime’s Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian on his trip to Lebanon last week have confirmed yet again that the regime’s terrorist activities would only increase under Ebrahim Raisi’s presidency.

During his trip, Amir-Abdollahian met with Hassan Nasrallah, the head of Hezbollah, the regime’s Lebanese terrorist proxy group. Lebanese media reported that the visit highlights how the regime has made the spread of terrorism one of their top priorities.

Amir Abdollahian has proudly represented himself as a ‘field agent’ who had close relationships with the regime’s top terrorist, Qassem Soleimani. During a meeting between members of the Majlis and nominees for the foreign, interior, and health ministries, Amir Abdollahian underlined he would ‘continue the path of Soleimani’.

Soleimani was the head of the Quds Force, the terrorist branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which routinely spread terrorism outside of Iran via the regime’s proxy groups.

Amir-Abdollahian acknowledged that the regime will continue to export fuel products to Lebanon as the country is facing fuel shortages amidst their economic and political crises, all the while the regime continues to fund Hezbollah and its activities.

Hezbollah has been in charge of coordinating the fuel shipments from Tehran, despite the regime being sanctioned on their oil sales by the United States. Even worse, Amir-Abdollahian has stated that the regime is prepared to provide further aid to Lebanon and is ready to build power plants in the country.

These remarks come at a time when Iranian people sell their organs for a living and could hardly make ends meet. Over 450,000 people have died due to the Covid-19 outbreak and the regime’s negligence. In summer, thousands of Iranians who were in intensive care units passed away due to the recurring power outages.

In reference to the regime’s plans to build power plants in Lebanon, the state-run Barkat News wrote last month that the money for this project is ‘coming out of the Iranian people’s pocket’ while they already have to suffer under Iran’s current crises.

The crises in Iran are already making society restive, but the regime is adamant about funding foreign terrorist groups to ‘export domestic crises abroad’. According to the regime’s top officials, Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria are described as the regime’s ‘strategic depth’.

The regime’s ongoing shipping of fuel to Lebanon through Hezbollah aligns with the regime’s strategy to export terrorism.

With the mounting crises in Lebanon, the Lebanese people have taken to the streets in dozens of protests, blaming Hezbollah for the crises the country is facing. The current issues include a dramatic drop in the local currency, as well as severe fuel and medicine shortages.

With the regime’s involvement in Lebanon, the threat is that the United States could extend the regime’s sanctions to the country, a possibility that the Al-Akhbarieh daily stated that Lebanon could not endure.

The regime’s need to support Hezbollah is because of the proxy group’s involvement in the Syrian war and other conflicts across the Middle East on behalf of Tehran.

The regime’s former president, Hassan Rouhani, also acknowledged on April 8 that ‘the frontline and diplomacy are two arms’ of the regime. As long as the mullahs’ regime stays in power, the international community should expect Tehran to increase its malign activities.